Blue: AO2 - Research
Red: AO3 - Evaluative points/IDAs
Gender roles are learned through observation and imitation of
live and symbolic models - for example, parents, teachers, peers and the media,
who convey social messages about the importance of gender role-appropriate
behaviour. We observe their examples of gender-appropriate behaviour and then seek
to imitate them in the social learning process. Based on learning theory
principles of operant conditioning, children are seen as being positively
reinforced for behaving in gender-appropriate ways.
Socialising agents model examples of appropriate and
inappropriate behaviour, and also the consequences of conforming or not
conforming to gender norms.
Through observational learning, children acquire knowledge
regarding gender roles without actually ‘doing’ anything; children observe gender
role models being reinforced or punished for gender-appropriate and
gender-inappropriate behaviour (vicarious reinforcement) and will imitate
behaviours that they saw being reinforced and not imitate those they saw being
punished. SLT therefore explains the acquisition of gender role stereotypes in
this manner.
Gender appropriate behaviour
is reinforced by parents giving praise and toys. Fathers have been shown to
reinforce gender-appropriate behaviour more than mothers (especially in sons)
Supporting evidence comes from Lytton &
Romney (1991), who found that parents reinforced with praise and attention
stereotypical gender behaviours in both boys and girls – for example, what
activities they participated in – suggesting that social environmental factors
are important in determining gender behaviour. However, children were also
raised similarly in many ways, suggesting that reinforcement alone cannot
account for the development of gender behaviours.
Further supporting evidence comes from Fagot
& Leinbach (1995), who compared children raised in ‘traditional’ families,
where dad went to work and mum cared for children, with children raised in ‘alternative’
families, where mum and dad shared child care. At age 4, children were given
gender-labelling tasks as a means of testing gender schemas. The ‘traditional’
family children displayed more gender role stereotyping and use gender labels
earlier, suggesting that parents do act as gender role models for their
children.
TV, cinemas, magazines, music play a role in the acquisition,
shaping and maintenance of gender roles. Males tend to be more represented on
TV and tend to be in higher-status roles. Males and females portrayed in gender
stereotypical ways. Media is invasive and persistent.
Supporting evidence for the role of the media
comes from Pierce (1993) who conducted a content analysis of teenage girls’
magazines. Girls tended to be portrayed as weak and reliant on others, with a
focus on being in a relationship rather than having independent aspirations,
demonstrating the influence of the media in establishing gender attitudes and
behaviours, and supporting social learning theory’s explanation.
Peers have a strong influence, especially when children are
slightly older. Children show preferences for same-gender playmates and
segregate into same-sex groups. Peers are intolerant of gender-inappropriate
behaviour, regulating one another! Young children’s gender role stereotypes are
very rigid, but become less so as children mature.
Supporting the influence of peers in gender
development, Archer & Lloyd reported that 3-year-old children who played
the opposite sex’s games were ridiculed by their peers and ostracised,
supporting the idea that peers police gender roles. This supports the idea that children
develop an idea of what constitutes gender-appropriate behaviour from how their
peers react to behaviour, supporting the role of peers in the social learning
process.
Challenging the idea that gendered behaviour is
directly learnt from peers, Lamb & Roopnarine observed preschool children
at play and found that when male-type behaviour was reinforced in girls the
behaviour continued for a shorter time than when male-type behaviour was
reinforced in boys. This suggests that peer reinforcement mainly acts as a
reminder, rather than as a way of learning gender appropriate behaviour – the
children had already learnt the behaviours from their parents.
Compared to other explanations such as the evolutionary
and the biological approaches, theories of social influences on gender fall
firmly on the nurture side of the nature-nurture debate, explaining gendered
behaviour as a direct result of learning processes – mainly through social
learning from parents, peers and the media. This sharply opposes the biological
approach, for example, which claims that gender development results from the
influences of hormones, genetics and neuroanatomy – strongly backing the role
of nature in the debate. Both explanations have significant research evidence
to support them – for example, the case study of David Reimer for the
biological approach, the research of Lytton and Romney for the influence of
society. This has led to the increasing popularity of the interactionalist
biosocial approach, which explains gender development as an interaction between
environmental and biological processes.
Theories of social influence are primarily based
around the learning approach, ignoring other factors such as cognitions (as
suggested by Kohlberg’s cognitive developmental approach), neuroanatomy and behaviour-influencing
hormones such as testosterone (as suggested by the biological approach) and
genetics over the course of our evolutionary history (as suggested by the
evolutionary approach.) With a significant level of research support, social
influence theory can be considered strong in its own right, but fails to
account for many other factors shown to affect gender, being reductionist in
its attempt to simplify such a complex area such as gender development into the
result of simple behavioural learning processes.
Research into the effects of social influence on
gender has important real-world application in challenging certain regressive
or outdated gender stereotypes in society – changing social norms and
expectations through the portrayal of non-traditional gender stereotypes in the
media. For example, Pingree (1978) found that stereotyping was reduced when
children were shown advertisements with women in non-traditional gender roles,
leading to pressure on programme makers to use this information to challenge
attitudes. However, not all research supports the effectiveness of this
technique – Pingree found that pre-adolescent boys experienced stronger
stereotypes after being presented with examples of non-traditional gender
roles, perhaps a backlash which occurs due to boys of this age wanting to take
a view counter to that of views held by adults. Similarly, this conflicts with
gender schema theory’s suggestion that information inconsistent with our rigid
gender schemas is misremembered or ignored.
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